![]() ![]() The Iberian Peninsula had multiple factors contributing to the strong chivalric ethos exemplified by Spanish knights. Some scholars have suggested that the later Spanish military Orders, like that at the fortress of Calatrava, pledged their loyalty primarily to their Kingdom, in this case Castile, but orders like the Templars or Hospitallers were more independent and not necessarily loyal to any kingdom consistently. But there seems to be a consensus that the knights had obligations to both and an overarching allegiance to the Church, as both were in direct contact with knights (and often royalty were themselves, knights and crusaders). Historians are conflicted as to whether Spanish knights were directed more by royalty (such as the king of Castile or the king of Aragon), or by the Papacy. Ĭhivalry in medieval Spain cannot be understood outside of the context of the military orders of knighthood. ![]() In the context of the Reconquista, and the close proximity of Christian and Muslim populations, the atmosphere for the development of Knightly Orders was ripe, and in the subsequent centuries, chivalry flourished in Spain to a greater extent than in other Christian states. However, the in-statement of chivalric knightly orders and the chivalric ideals and codes of conduct weren’t present on the Iberian Peninsula until almost the second century of the Reconquista. The Reconquista had begun under Alfonso II (791–842) and would last nearly 700 years as Christians attempted to drive Muslims out of the Iberian Peninsula. James himself was known and celebrated in Christianity as ‘the slayer of the Moors’, and the discovery of his body by Christians has been considered an igniting factor of the Reconquista. This was when Frankish knights, who were willing to fight the Muslim invaders of Iberia prior to the Crusades, appeared to protect pilgrims flocking to what was believed to be the tomb of the apostle James in Galicia. Incluso la cultura material tambien refuerza la tesis en el caso, por ejemplo, de los artesanos que creaban objetos emblematicos de la caballeria.Main article: Timeline of the Muslim presence in the Iberian peninsulaĬhivalry, or chivalric codes of manners and proper military engagement, is believed to have arrived in the Iberian Peninsula during the 10th century, in the context of the Reconquista. Tambien fragmentos de testimonios en legajos de inquisicion y otra evidencia de archivos nos informan al respecto. Los maestres de las ordenes de caballeria iberica actuaban como patronos de la cultura judia y sus exponentes. Las miniaturas de los codices manuscritos hebreos confirman el gusto por lo caballeresco entre sus mecenas. Representaciones culturalmente hibridas son relevantes al tema ya sea en el ambito de lo visual como en el textual. XIII demuestran que sus autores conocian y apreciaban la literatura caballeresca y utilizaban sus imagenes y metaforas. Textos en (neo-)Arameo de la Castilla del s. Entre estos ultimos la literatura oral, especialmente los romances epicos, exhibe huellas de contactos con los Libros de caballeria y la matiere de Bretagne. Contrasta la investigacion sobre el imaginaire de la caballeria entre los judios de area franco-germana con la que atane a los hispano-judios. El articulo argumenta en contra de tales generalizaciones. Una antigua tradicion supone un antagonismo entre la caballeria medieval (o sea, anterior a 1492) y los judios. Material culture from late medieval Spain also supports the article's claim in various ways-Jewish artisans are involved in crafting memorable items of knightly accoutrement and towards the later decades of the fifteenth century there are attempts to incorporate Jews into urban caballeria. Fragments from Inquisition and other archival evidence confirm the taste for chivalric literature amongst Iberian Jews. Late medieval Hebrew MS illuminations show the Hispano-Jewish patrons' taste for the representation of knights and scenes of knightly life. Culturally hybrid representations are also relevant, in specific visual cases such as the iconography of the Arragel Bible-and also its texts-or the texts of the (probably converso) poet Pero Ferruz. Even (neo-) Aramaic mystical texts from thirteenth-century Castile use images and metaphors from chivalric literature. In the case of Hispanic Jews, oral literature, particularly ballads, includes points of contact with Libros de caballeria. It begins by noting the research on chivalric imaginaire amongst Jews in Franco-German areas. The article argues against such generalizations. Abstract : A long standing tradition posits an opposition between the Jews and the ideals and reality of medieval chivalry (i.e., before 1492). ![]()
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